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Thursday, October 6, 2016

A Succinct Review of Franklin Pierce, 14th President of the United States.

Franklin Pierce:
 A Succinct Overview




Jordan Alexander Stepleton

















July 15, 2011




Introduction.
Franklin Pierce doted himself towards the United States of America, its Union, and the Constitution. Throughout his life, which consisted of adolescence, young adulthood, soldier, statesman and retiree, he maintained a strict adherence to the issue of states’ rights, especially that of slavery and territorial expansion. From Concord, Massachusetts to Bowdoin College; even from the Mexican-American War, to the Executive Mansion and beyond into his retirement, we clearly see the influence that his father conveyed upon Franklin, politically and domestically. Over the years, Pierce adopted the policies of compromise and neutrality; and, because of this he was elected 14th President of the United States of America in the Election of 1852, which postponed confliction between abolitionists and pro-slavery adherents. However, there were drawbacks to his foreign and domestic administrative policies, which affected family, national and international matters; and ultimately sped up the heated debate over the issue of slavery, which no doubt ended in bloodshed with the American Civil War.
Class of ‘24.
            Franklin Pierce was born 23 November 1804 in Hillsborough, New Hampshire.[1] Like any other New England family during the early part of the nineteenth century, moral fiber was deeply embedded into religion. Stemming from an English family, the Episcopalian denomination of the Christian faith influenced everything from law, politics, familial matters, and the militia.
            Frank’s father, Benjamin Pierce, became active in politics and an ardent supporter of the American Revolution. Staunchly Democratic, Benjamin Pierce became embroiled in the battle of early partisan debates with the newly created Federalists. It was here that Frank first inherited the Democratic way of thinking in American politics, later on becoming a “Jacksonite”, named so after the seventh President of the United States, Andrew Jackson.[2]
            When the war of 1812 broke out between the United States and Great Britain, Franklin had the temerity to witness warfare on native soil as a young boy of only eight years old. Throughout his life he would recall the incidents of this conflict, and would show a compassionate view towards veterans and their dependents.
            From 1812 to 1824 Franklin would be occupied with his education. Frank’s brother, Benjamin, attended the school of Dartmouth. However, it would be father Benjamin’s decision to send Franklin to Bowdoin; a school that was considered to be less Federalist than its counterpart. His attitude toward his studies is recorded as thus:
Carefree and irresponsible, he trailed along, getting his work from others if he couldn’t do it himself. An episode which his tutor recorded demonstrated not only his irresponsibility but also a certain disarming frankness which was one of his leading characteristics.[3]
Freeloading his way through the earlier half of his college education, Franklin appeared at the bottom of the class rank. Henceforth, he decided to come back, and would persistently seek to be the best in the class.
            By the end of his tenure at Bowdoin, Pierce’s improvement is cited by one contemporary: “(…) since the beginning of his junior year he had risen from last place to fifth in his class.”[4] As a result, Frank would graduate from Bowdoin with the class of ’24 satisfied with his conduct in the pursuit of higher education.
A bona fide Jacksonite.
            After the time spent at Bowdoin Franklin, along with his Father, were now fully engrossed in the political realm. The time had come to an end with the monarchical policies of John Quincy Adams, along with his no-party idealism for American politics; and, as a result, Andrew Jackson was elected seventh President of the United States.
Franklin had inherited the Democratic way of his Father Benjamin. But, more specifically, he succumbed to his father’s influence in the patronage of the Democrat party platform; and, in the end agreed with its ideologies. One such account recalls Pierce’s aptitude in becoming a Democrat politician by saying: “Politically his interest was active (…) Pierce was an enthusiastic supporter of Jackson.”[5] Supporting the Democratic ticket meant the same to Frank as family, church, and unwavering righteous morality; which would engross him for the rest of his life.
Dearest “Jeanie”
            After attending Bowdoin College, Franklin continued with his plans of being a bachelor till life’s end; until he met a lovely young lady, whom he would eventually wed. Jane Means Appleton, a young lady with higher moral values than Franklin, wedded Pierce November 19, 1834.[6] However disapproving her parents were towards the fondness of her newfound partner, both decided to proceed with affectionate love for one another. She then became known as Jane Means Appleton Pierce.
            Jane Pierce did not readily accept the idea of her husband being a politician, and would throughout her life regard it as troublesome and detrimental to the family structure. Nevertheless, Jeanie upheld her values as a mother, rearing the children as necessary. Her description as a mother is as follows:
Sensitive and lacking in self-confidence, with almost no stamina, Jane was far from an ideal choice as a wife for a man in public life. Too sickly to assume household responsibilities, she was never an easy woman to live with; her “nerves” made her demanding. She scolded more than she praised, and she could not express affection easily.[7]
Perhaps she was molded into this superior way of moral values by her parents, which contributed to her way of thinking, and her way of life as wife and mother. In later life she would regret her inability to show affection for the people she loved most dearly.
Colonel Pierce
            By the time the Mexican-American War broke out in 1846, Pierce was called to muster fellow Americans in preparation for the invasion. At first, it became difficult to round up volunteers for the conflict. However, through time and effort, enough men had been enlisted; even though he and his men would only arrive in time for General Winfield Scott’s march from Vera Cruz to Mexico City.
During this point of his time in the service, the eleventh President of the United States, James K. Polk, ushered Pierce for the position of Attorney General. Franklin’s correspondence is as follows, “Pierce took a week to think it over and in the end declined (…) ‘except at the call of my country in time of war.’”[8] Franklin felt it his duty to serve his country the way his father did. As such, he and his men arrived in time to march with Scott’s army to the heart of the Mexican Empire, and had the honor of besieging the fortress of Chapultepec and Mexico City. Despite what naysayers may comment, Pierce contributed to the success of the United States victory over the vanquished Mexicans.
Drunk and Sorrow
            After the War had ended, the year 1848 saw the election of the twelfth President of the United States, Zachary Taylor.[9] During this time, Pierce, an avid Whig procrastinator, fumed. The reign of Taylor and Vice-President Fillmore added to the cause of restoring America to the “Jackson” era. However, it must be noted that this became a dismal time for Franklin, Jane and family.
            Their second child died just before the Mexican conflict erupted. Since then, Pierce imbibed himself quite frequently with strong spirits. In other words, he became an alcoholic. Since his wife did not console him with affectionate remorse and sorrow, it was Frank’s only way of dealing with the pain.
The real death blow came, when in 1853, their only remaining child, Bennie, was killed in a train accident.[10] This conveyed a dismal atmosphere in family matters and during Franklin’s term in the Executive Mansion. Not only did Jane isolate herself with religious fervor, but she also believed it to be caused by providence. As one source quotes of the mournful event, “Both parents interpreted the accident as an act of God (…) In the wildness of her grief, she told her husband that ‘God decided to take our precious little boy, so that you will have no distractions as you set out to effect reconciliation between sections of our nation.’”[11] But, there were more pertinent issues before and after the Election of 1852, when Franklin Pierce ascended to become fourteenth President of the United States.
The election of 1852.
When the election of 1852 arrived, one aspect on most everybody’s mind was the issue of slavery. The abolitionists in the North coincided with the “know-nothings”, forming a party of “coalitionists”. In other words, the “free-soilers” made a coalition with renegade Democrats and Whigs to form the Republican Party. This newly created Republican Party still did not have the strength to compete politically on a national level; however, they made themselves heard.
When future candidates were beginning to be proposed for each party platform, Franklin Pierce was virtually out of the question. Even though supreme presidential candidates were upheld to have been leaders during the Mexican-American War, Pierce, before the nomination of candidates, was still just a “pie-in-the-sky” proposal.
            It wasn’t until the Democratic National Convention of 1852 that Franklin was nominated as a dark horse presidential candidate. It is believed he was nominated because of his view on slavery and the issue of states’ rights, his “Jacksonite” patronage, and his opinion towards dissenters, also known as abolitionists. According to one source, “Ever since the Mexican War General Pierce, in their minds at least, had been a potential candidate.”[12] It was because of his political stance on domestic issues that Pierce was considered; and, having been promoted to brigadier general during the war, helped win over his candidature.
 The nation was not ready to deal with the slavery institution. So, the election of 1852 was built upon the Compromise of 1850, and the premises of halting the growing conflagration between the North and South. The Democrats nominated Pierce because they believed he would protect their rights, and stymie the growing faction of Coalitionists in the North; who wanted an immediate disarmament of slavery altogether whether it meant secession, war or both. Whoever supported the 1850 Compromise and all its proponents was most likely to be elected.
            By the time the official Presidential Election of 1852 arrived, Pierce’s opponent was none other than the prominent Whig and veteran, General Winfield Scott. So far, Pierce’s Vice-Presidential candidate was William Rufus Devane King, who was considered to be homosexual; and, most believed James Buchanan had some role to play in his relationship with King.[13]  On the other hand, Scott’s Vice-Presidential candidate was William Alexander Graham.[14]
After the total ballots had been cast, the results showed for themselves. Franklin Pierce won the popular vote by 300,000, respectively. Next was the Electoral College vote, with Pierce receiving 85.81 percent. Scott received only 14.19 percent.[15] As the election portrayed, the nation wanted an individual as President of the United States who could maintain harmony by supporting states’ rights; and, this was done mainly because he always referred back to his “hero”, Andrew Jackson. Therefore, he received a nickname common throughout America at the time. As sources tell, “Throughout the country Granite Clubs were organized, hickory poles were set up and Pierce was hilariously hailed a Jackson’s successor, ‘Young Hickory of the Granite Hills.’[16]
Inaugural
Before Franklin Pierce took the oath of office as fourteenth President of the United States, a tragic accident would occur that would mark the gloom of his term while President. Pierce, his wife Jane, and their only remaining son Benjamin “Bennie” Pierce, were involved in a train accident on January 6, 1853.[17] While heading toward Concord, Massachusetts to begin preparations for the presidency, the train in which they boarded suddenly snapped ajar and rolled off the embankment into a nearby field. Both parents were uninjured; however, for little Bennie, the situation proved to be much worse. Reports from witnesses conclude that the little boy’s head had been crushed from the debris. Others report that the extent of the damage was too much for any description. To cope with this tragedy, Jeanie became scrupulously religious, seeking her bereavement with God. How she felt is summed up as thus, “His high honor had been purchased at the price of his son’s sacrifice.”[18] Frank, on the other hand, became grieved for many years afterward, seeking solace with alcohol, unfortunately. This did not help, as the time was near when he needed confidence to lead the nation.
Inauguration day for Pierce took place on March 4, 1853 upon the east portico of the Capitol; and, instead of taking the oath of office with the commonly used phrase, “I do solemnly swear,” Pierce replied with, “I do solemnly affirm.” He was the only President in American history to do so.[19]
The time had come for Pierce to begin selecting his cabinet. As was expected, it was to include men from the North and South. Since he was elected upon the Compromise of 1850, Pierce himself was a man of compromise. The men he chose were to stem the tide of the defectors who wanted an immediate conflict to abolish slavery; but, they themselves represented the radicals from both sides, and not men of compromise, as he was. His cabinet selection is as follows:
William L. Marcy of New York—Secretary of State
James Guthrie of Kentucky—Secretary of the Treasury
Jefferson Davis of Mississippi—Secretary of War
Caleb Cushing of Massachusetts—Attorney-General
James Campbell of Pennsylvania—Postmaster-General
James C. Dobbin of North Carolina—Secretary of the Navy
Robert McClelland of Michigan—Secretary of the Interior,
vice the members of Fillmore’s cabinet resigned. They were straightway confirmed.[20]
What became ironic is Jefferson Davis, who later became President of the Confederate States of America during the American Civil War ten years later, was Secretary of War under Pierce. In fact, the two were quite fond of each other. However, each went their separate ways later on in the struggle of North versus the South.
            Franklin Pierce’s cabinet is a reflection of his primary plan that he wanted to achieve while in office. It is summed up as thus:
His inaugural would stress a vigorous foreign policy of territorial and commercial expansion backed by an adequate army and navy; this would please “Young America” and the so-called progressive wing of the party, besides being generally popular. His would be a reform administration: economy and integrity would mark the public service and the Whigs must go. Strict construction would be his constitutional doctrine. The rights of the South must be respected, including slavery, for he sympathized with the southern fear of loss of property. His most cherished policy was the maintenance of that greatest of blessings, the Union, a task which could be accomplished only by faithful adherence to the Compromise of 1850, a policy which would appeal to conservatives and lovers of the Union. In a word, his inaugural was to provide expansion for the radicals and the preservation of the Union at all costs for the conservatives; unwittingly he had planned to carry out what proved to be a most dangerous and difficult combination of policies.[21]
            Franklin Pierce wanted to preserve the Union by mutually satisfying both North and South. To do this he had to rely upon the Compromise of 1850, which appeased both sides, if only for a time. On the one hand he favored states’ rights, and on the other territorial expansion, with either free or slave states being admitted, depending on the majority of votes of residents for each new state admitted. He was not fond of the so-called abolitionists, whom he accused of wanting to dispel the Union. He was prepared whatever was deemed necessary to uphold the Union, and believed that by being a man of compromise he could accomplish this. However, this goal proved to be much more complicated than he previously thought.
Foreign and domestic issues.
            During his tenure in office, Franklin Pierce favored a policy of expansion. In fact, his first expansion enactment was the Gadsden Purchase, which was acquired from Mexico in 1854.[22] It was a small, yet potent land purchase that was politically strong in appeasing the radicals in which Pierce had to deal with. The President became satisfied with the added territory into the southwest, and one source describes his policy as thus, “Pierce, like Jefferson, was not averse to adding large areas to the national domain. Expansion southward was about to begin, so Pierce hoped.”[23] It was to be the last significant land purchase to the contiguous United States; even though the acute size of the territory purchased amounted to no more than the size of Scotland.
            Franklin’s first foreign policy debacle was the question of Cuba. It was believed that Spain was encroaching upon United States territory, and in violation of the Monroe Doctrine. It was his ambition to annex Cuba in the event of an uprising, that the citizens could then declare sovereignty, and request to be admitted into the Union as a state.[24] This would also allow the possibility to satisfy the conservatives, and on the other hand satisfy the radicals with the acquisition of the Gadsden Purchase. Once again, his overall policy as fourteenth President was to compromise, and it worked well within the first two years of his term. However, in the end, Cuba was not attained from the Spanish Monarchy. His first debacle with foreign issues became a failure, even though the morality behind it was purely American at the time. It is summarized by describing, “Pierce’s foreign policy was broader than defense and expansion; it sought to preach democracy and defy monarchy.”[25]
            One domestic issue that was of primary importance was the prospect of constructing a transcontinental railroad form the Atlantic to the Pacific Oceans. To do so, Pierce appointed Jefferson Davis to send a series of surveying expeditions in the attempt to chart the pathway for the newly constructed railways. Jeff Davis was quoted by announcing the need for a transcontinental railway as saying, “(…) the need for a Pacific railroad for national defense.”[26] The issue that arose out of this railway for defense was where it would run its course. Would it proceed through the upper Mid-West or through the Southern territories? As can clearly be seen, since Davis was a man of Southern sympathies, he most likely wanted to have it constructed to run from the South-East to South-Western United States.
            Before the railroad project could be finished, another foreign issue became prominent in world politics. The Crimean War broke out in 1854, With France and Great Britain alliancing against Russia. Franklin Pierce immediately sought to convey a neutral policy. In no way did he want to befriend France or Great Britain for that matter; nor could he favor one side or the other with Russia. However, since Russia befriended the United States during the War of 1812, Pierce felt obligated to supply resources for Russia’s cause. Pierce’s ultimate goal in the conflict is described in the following:
While considering these varied diplomatic problems of the spring of 1854, Pierce and Marcy dreamed of playing a larger part on the stage of world politics, of developing policies toward the belligerents in Europe which would best further American interests.[27]
To prevent Great Britain from adopting a hostile attitude towards the U.S. by ascertaining the shipments of materials for Russia’s aid, Pierce noted a policy of neutrality, in which England took great notice of. This foreign policy is recited in the following:
After refusing the British overtures, Pierce and Marcy decided to press, on their own initiative, the idea that free ships make free goods, without making compensating concessions. Pierce awaited developments. Marcy approached Russia and found that country eager for the sympathy of the United States, and although not ready to sell Alaska, willing to make a treaty.[28]
This idea that “free ships make free goods” is expounded upon that neutral merchant ships bearing free products in international waters are subject to a neutral status. It was Pierce’s strategy of aiding Russia, while at the same time remaining neutral to the vice of Great Britain; and, it worked, for Pierce did not want to embroil the nation in an international war halfway across the globe.
            Even though there were few more domestic issues Pierce had dealt with, and even fewer international matters after this, the overall theme of his policies was compromise and neutrality. For a time it was successful, but the last half of his term witnessed the shortcoming of such a policy; not because it was necessarily his fault, but because the nation was experiencing a change from within.
Sectional strife.
            The second half of Franklin Pierce’s term was marked by failures and shortcomings in his administrative policies. His weaknesses began to show themselves, and both North and South accused him of favoring the other side. This, in all reality, was not true. Pierce remained true to the Compromise of 1850. It was his administration that included men from both extremes that citizens blamed for favoring either the North or South. If Pierce would have included “Compromise” men in his administration, instead of radicals, then history could have been much different. It is best described by one source as, “(…) Pierce’s greatest weakness as a publicist was here displayed in his fundamental attitude toward his duties. He would administer government by strict adherence to precedent rather than creative statesmanship. Creative statesmanship was unknown to him except as a dangerous violation of tried doctrines advocated by men both unstable and unprincipled or by dangerous fanatics.”[29] He remained a man of compromise throughout his term, believing in the Constitution as the law of the land, which he considered unbending and should remain constant; and, this included the states’ rights issue of slavery, whereby he was accused of being a Southern sympathizer. On the other hand, he was accused by Southerners as approving free soil doctrines in the North.
            What was clearly shown is that the country abandoned the platform of compromise in which Pierce was elected upon. The abdication of this policy is best described in the following:
He had been chosen by the party leaders to tide over a dangerous emergency. Just as soon as the party had been successful in the 1852 election the emergency for which he had been created, in a sense, was passed, and party leaders had no further need of him. This position he did not understand, in fact he was under an illusion.
 North and South headed for opposite ends of the political spectrum, and Pierce failed to recognize the growing conflagration on each side. To him, he was prepared to do whatever was necessary to ensure that the Union stayed intact, and that meant supporting both sides.
            The last major instance of national factionalism to the extreme was the fateful Kansas-Nebraska Act. For this, it was Pierce’s death blow to his reputation, and his defeat for the 1856 candidature for presidency.
            Kansas territory was heavily considered to being admitted into the Union in Pierce’s term. As always, North and South vied for competition for their interests in expansion. A concise description sums up the Kansas situation:
The fact was that no one understood the Kansas struggle. Pierce interpreted it as a free-soil, pro-slavery political contest, an interpretation all too simple. It can be seen now as a power struggle to control the machinery of territorial development.[30]
Since Pierce allowed settler’s into the Kansas territory before surveying was completed, those from North and South, who plotted their own land, could only enforce their territorial claims by force, if necessary, which was all too common. Therefore, it is of no coincidence why Kansas “bled.”
            To deal with the situation, an act was designed by Democratic Senator Stephan A. Douglas, which became enacted May 22, 1854.[31] It was known as the Kansas-Nebraska Act, which allowed the residents of Kansas to declare, by majority, whether the state was to become free or slave. The conflict arrived as Southern and Northern settlers clashed together in bloody battles, known as “Bleeding Kansas.”
            Northerners despised the new act mainly because it nullified the Missouri Compromise of 1820, and allowed the expansion of slavery.[32] It supported pro-slavery factions, and cost Pierce his political image for the rest of his life as being a “Copperhead.”  Ultimately, it gave birth to a new political party known a “Republicans,” because it divided the remaining Whigs and renegade Democrats, along with the free-soilers, to form a coalition. After the bloody struggles between both sides, Kansas was admitted into the Union as a free-state. However, Nebraska was not admitted into the Union until after the American Civil-War.
            Politically, the Kansas affair was damaging for Pierce. Not only did it damage his potential for the Presidential candidacy in 1856, but it increased the hatred on both sides, and sped up the process leading to the Civil War.
Election of 1856.
            The Election of 1856 called for a man of more experience than Pierce. The Democratic platform became set on nominating James Buchanan; even though Pierce thought himself to be most likely re-nominated and re-elected. However, this was not the case. Buchanan was nominated for the Democratic Presidential candidacy instead of Pierce. It was cited most accurately on the situation as thus:
Buchanan was an old man and in all probability would not seek a second term; the good will of his supporters would be very valuable to Douglas in 1860; Slidell presumably had not conversed at length with Douglas in vain. Thus was Pierce defeated for renomination, and the telegraphic news reached him just before noon, almost on the fourth anniversary of the fateful day in Boston. The conservatives had triumphed for their demand for a safe and experienced man, who could command conservative Whig and American support, had been met. The veteran Buchanan was to save the party from the terror of the times.[33]
The terror of the times was the nomination of John C. Fremont of the Republican Party. It was known that Fremont was expected, if elected, to produce or at least speed up a conflict to deal with the slavery issue. James Buchanan possessed more credentials than Pierce, and therefore, was nominated. Since he was considered old he was expected by himself and other party elites to only seek only one term while in office.
            The nation was not quite ready to deal with the slavery question. Therefore, Buchanan was elected over Fremont, in order to save the nation from the terror that would grip the nation four years later. He would be the last real Democratic President until Grover Cleveland would be elected as twenty-second President of the United States in the Election of 1884.[34] In a sense, Buchanan was similarly elected upon the basis that Pierce was, respectively. Both had been nominated to postpone the growing insurrection from the North, and it worked; although they had been abandoned by their Democratic Party members in the process. Pierce, afterward, knew he was destined to be a one term President; moreover, he set to work diligently for the remaining time poised to solve the Kansas predicament.
War, death, and compromise.
            When the American Civil War began, Pierce was utterly devastated. After vacating the Executive Mansion and travelling abroad through mostly Europe, Frank and Jeanie returned to the United States only to be faced with the conflict. Pierce feared the secession of Southern states from the Union, and when South Carolina was the first to secede, he prepared for the worst.
            Franklin, as stated, was a man of compromise. He wanted to secure the Union at all costs, even if that meant allowing slavery in the South; and when the Southern states left the Union, Pierce grew sympathetic for the South because he felt that their rights were being infringed upon. He also became indignant toward the North for pushing their radical policies.  What he felt during this crisis is summed up as saying, “He could not understand how the people of the United States would tolerate this attempt to “butcher” their own race for the sake of “inflicting” emancipation upon the four million Negroes who were in no sense capable of profiting by freedom.”[35] Even though Pierce did not agree with the South reacting and attacking Fort Sumter, he nevertheless felt compassionate for them, and believed a compromise could have been achieved. In fact, Jefferson Davis and preceding ex-presidents called on Pierce more than once to issue a proclamation of compromise that would heal the division between North and South, and end the death and carnage waged by both sides. But this failed to materialize.
            Overall, Pierce opposed the Civil War. He felt even more averse to President Lincoln’s policies, as one source says:
He in his turn became increasingly bitter. In his most intimate correspondence he was unrestrained, as one after another the various policies of the Lincoln administration were promulgated, such as the arrest of the members of the Maryland legislature and the arbitrary imprisonments in Fort Warren. When Martial Law was proclaimed, he felt that despotism had succeeded representative government. Sovereign states, constitutional rights, trial by jury, legal protection for person and property were destroyed.[36]
            During December of the year 1863, as the Civil War continued to spill blood and brethren, Pierce’s world turned upside down at the death of his wife, Jane Appleton Pierce.[37] Even though Jeanie was of no support or condolence in the death of their children or his duties as President, she played a vital role, in his mind, to accomplish his duties. When she became deceased, he took heavily to drinking strong alcoholic spirits to drown the sorrow and loneliness. However, he was not as lonely as he anticipated, for he had a lifelong companionship accompany him, who was the famous author, Nathaniel Hawthorne. This relationship kept Pierce moving in life after Jane died. The two would often reminisce of earlier times as both succumbed to old age, and it wasn’t until Pierce passed away shortly thereafter in 1869 that Hawthorne wrote his remembrances of Pierce. A description of Pierce is elaborated on as thus:
Pierce was amiable and kindly, and possessed the rare gift of personal magnetism. Nature sometimes endows men and women with this quality in lieu of all other advantages. Not much above the average in intellect, and, as Hawthorne afterward confessed, not particularly attractive in appearance, with a stiff military neck, features strong but small, and opaque gray eyes,--a rather unimpressive face, and one hardly capable of decided expression.[38]
Conclusion.
            Franklin Pierce was a man of compromise, as was seen throughout his life. He inherited his father’s “Jacksonite” ways, and it is partially because of this that he became elected President; and, he contained a bonding personality that won himself favors with the people he became acquainted with, most particularly party leaders.
            Pierce believed in the rights of states to vote and mandate laws on behalf of the majority of the residents living thereof. He also wanted to do whatever was necessary to sustain the Union. This is where he initiated his policy of compromise in American politics. He purposed to allow the South to continue with slavery, and believed that by doing so they would continue to be part of the blessed Union. On the other hand, he wanted to appease the “horrid” abolitionists, as he called them, for wanting to disrupt the nation, by allowing them to expand territorially. But, the problem of his policy therein was the fact that the growing Republican giant spread like wildfire, and the nation, most particularly in the North, wanted change. Unfortunately, the change would eventually lead to war at the cost of six hundred-thousand American lives. It was a perfect policy on paper, but once manifested into reality, it was accused of favoring one side or the other. And that is where it failed. A description of this is thus:
The 1850’s unfortunately did not demand steadfastness and integrity; they encouraged daring and ruthlessness. The obvious rewards of enterprise were so tempting politically that the standards of truth and consistent intellectual and moral integrity fell before the surge of ambition and power mania. The structure of the nation collapsed with it and the building could only be re-erected after a blood purge had drawn the fever from political emotions.[39]
After Franklin Pierce died in 1869, he was but a faint memory in the citizens of the nation. Today, he is even less known and an enigmatic personage as our Fourteenth President; nevertheless, he played a vital role in attempting to solve the issue of slavery by compromising, even though it failed. How Pierce acted as Chief Executive with his cabinet is described by one source as:
None of these men were really in a position to give sound or perceptive advice. None of them had much political know-how, except perhaps Marcy, and his constituency was in such revolt as to deprive him of any real confidence in his capacity to control political forces. Besides, Pierce did little to make their administrative task easier. He was so eager for appreciation and comforting good will in the midst of his tragedy that he developed little capacity to defend himself from importunity. And importunity was everywhere. As a Democrat succeeding a Whig he had a vast mass of patronage to dispose of, and then there were projects of all sorts for contracts and administrative favors. The White House was the scene of constant importunate visitation.[40]
The death of little Bennie would haunt Frank and Jeanie as he attended his duties, and visitors observed a haunting air while visiting the Executive Mansion. Not only was he marked for failure before he began his term for office, but once elected, the Democratic Party abandoned him for their agenda. Overall, one source describes his tragedy of life by saying:
Pierce’s greatest misfortune was that, disorganized and numbed by personal tragedy, he seemed to understand little of the forces outside himself which were combining with his inward insecurity to make him one of democracy’s most unfortunate victims. It is only his due that the stereotype created in his lifetime be replaced by a more realistic portrait. Reconsideration of his complex life experience reveals not mere weakness, but a difficult combination of inner conflict, tragedy and national confusion which prevented him from meeting the challenge of his great responsibility.[41]




1




Notes
1.      Joseph Nathan Kane & Janet Podell & Steven Anzovin, Facts About The Presidents (New York: H.W. Wilson Company, 2001), 147.

2.      Kane, Podell & Anzovin, 79.

3.      Roy Franklin Nichols, Franklin Pierce: Young Hickory of the Granite Hills (Connecticut: American Political Biography Press, 1993), 20.

4.      Nichols, 26.

5.      Nichols, 30.

6.      Dorothy Schneider and Carl J. Schneider, First Ladies: A Biographical Dictionary, Second Edition (New York, Facts On File, Inc., 2005), 89.

7.      Schneider & Schneider, 89.

8.      Nichols, 140.

9.      Kane, Podell & Anzovin, 129-132.

10.  Kane, Podell & Anzovin, 148.

11.  Schneider & Schneider, 91.

12.  Nichols, 190.

13.  Sol Barzman, Madmen & Geniuses: The Vice-Presidents of the United States (Illinois, Follett Publishing Company, 1974), 93.

14.  Kane, Podell & Anzovin, 149.

15.  Kane, Podell & Anzovin, 150.

16.  Nichols, 208.

17.  Schneider & Schneider, 91.

18.  Nichols, 225.

19.  Kane, Podell & Anzovin, 150.

20.  Nichols, 240-241.

21.  Nichols, 220.

22.  Kane, Podell & Anzovin, 153.

23.  Nichols, 266.

24.  Nichols, 267.

25.  Nichols, 269.

26.  Nichols, 282.

27.  Nichols, 344.

28.  Nichols, 345

29.  Nichols, 298.

30.  Nichols, 477.

31.  Kane, Podell & Anzovin, 153.

32.  Kane, Podell & Anzovin, 153.

33.  Nichols, 468-469.

34.  Kane, Podell & Anzovin, 237.

35.  Nichols, 520-521.

36.  Nichols, 520.

37.  Mary Ormsbee Whitton, The First First Ladies 1789-1865: A Study of the Wives of the Early Presidents (New York: Hastings House, Publishers, Inc., 1969), 265.

38.  Frank P. Stearns, Life and Genius of Nathaniel Hawthorne (Pennsylvania, 1906), 62-63. Nichols, 529.

39.  Nichols, 545-546.

40.  Nichols, 538

41.  Nichols, 546.

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